The crisis brought about by the government is having an increasingly devastating impact on different sections of society with each passing day.

Voices of protest are rising from all corners of the country against a regime that is being consolidated through economic hardships, the violation of rights and authoritarian tendencies.

However, for these individual and justified acts of resistance to transform into a new force capable of overcoming the regime’s repressive measures, uniting under a joint line of action stands out as a historic necessity.

The series of discussions we launched in our newspaper under the slogan ‘We stand side by side for a united opposition’, which emphasises this necessity, continues.

On today’s page, Eyüp Muhcu, President of the Chamber of Architects, and academics Dilek Bulut and Serkan Öngel have shared their views.

In today’s articles, the need to build a united opposition from the ground up is emphasised as a response to the regime’s strategy of dividing the opposition.

Concrete proposals are being discussed, ranging from protecting the city against the plunder of land rents to establishing a common minimum programme based on secularism and equal citizenship, and the construction of lasting, horizontal organisational practices shaped from the ground up.

WE CAN BUILD A FREE AND EQUAL FUTURE

“Halting this process leading to darkness, decay and oblivion depends on the formation of the ‘United Opposition Line’ and, consequently, on the strengthening of social opposition”

Eyüp Muhcu – Former President of the Chamber of Architects:

Turkey is floundering in a deep crisis created by the ‘Palace Regime’. The regime sees no issue with resorting to any means – however ‘anti-democratic, anti-legal and anti-human’ – to maintain its hold on power.

Complete submission to the US, the establishment of an authoritarian/theocratic regime, the de facto continuation of the state of emergency, the subjugation of the judiciary to the will of the regime and the resulting injustices, the politicisation of public institutions, the economic crisis and the impoverishment of broad sections of the population, the plundering of natural and cultural assets for profit, and the seizure of citizens’ living spaces – all these issues have given rise to a climate of anxiety about the future and despair.

The authoritarian/theocratic regime established in the wake of the ‘15 July Coup’ has become incapable of governing the country due to the crises it has created and the mounting public backlash. During this period, policies of centralisation and authoritarianism have been accelerated in the name of ‘preserving the Palace’, and operations have been launched against all opposition groups, particularly local authorities.

The regime will continue its policies of repression, intimidation and purges on the path towards a “totalitarian/theocratic” regime. It believes that if it does not keep pedalling on this bicycle, it will fall from power. Halting this process leading into darkness requires the formation of a “United Opposition Line” and, consequently, the strengthening of social opposition. The history of social struggles both globally and in our country provides important insights into the organisation of this front and illuminates our path.

First and foremost, it is crucial to unite the broadest sections of society—those who stand for our country’s “democratic, free and egalitarian” future, those affected by the problems imposed on society, and those dissatisfied with the status quo—behind a common goal. In establishing the ‘United Opposition Line’, it is essential to adopt a discourse that is solidarity-based and inclusive, rather than exclusionary and discriminatory, in line with the principles of identity politics; furthermore, the criterion of ‘democracy’ must serve as a fundamental prerequisite, even at the most basic level. Unity can be achieved not by focusing on the details that divide different groups, but by centring on concrete issues that directly affect all sections of society, such as environmental exploitation, rights violations and economic hardship.

Cities must be protected against ‘profit-driven’ policies, and safe living environments must be created to withstand disasters. In this context, efforts must be made to support solidarity organisations based on urban, cultural, democratic and human rights principles, and to ensure they play an active role in decision-making processes.

The efforts made across our country to tackle all these issues can be multiplied and brought together under a single banner. With this approach, democratic actions can be carried out in which local organisations retain their distinct identities whilst remaining in communication with one another. Within this framework, the solidarity network must be co-ordinated both locally and nationwide.

One of the most significant factors hindering social solidarity is the tendency of individuals or groups to compete with one another, to act in their own interests, and to fail to find common ground on basic issues. For these reasons, these problems can be overcome by adopting a solidarity-based approach centred on shared objectives. It is well known that, alongside the rise of social opposition, there is an atmosphere of hopelessness and a crisis of public trust in institutions and political organisations. To overcome this crisis of trust, it is essential to create conditions in which the public has a genuine say, a transparent working culture is in place, and a resolute and sustained struggle is maintained.

We know that it is not possible to tackle the problems facing society or to emerge from this dark period with just one or a few political groups. For these reasons, we must act without delay to establish a ‘United Opposition Line’ with the approach whose characteristics I have attempted to outline; it is necessary to initiate a process of dialogue both within organisations and between different organisations. A united social movement can restore hope, trust and enthusiasm to society. It can demonstrate, as was the case during the Gezi protests, that the government’s power is not unlimited and that it cannot force society to accept whatever it wishes. A “democratic, free and egalitarian” future can be built…

BUILDING A SHARED FUTURE ON THE BASIS OF EQUAL CITIZENSHIP

“It is the historical responsibility of each and every one of us to build a common ground for struggle based on secularism, public ownership and equal citizenship, and to establish an equal, democratic and free country”

The events unfolding in Turkey today represent a multi-dimensional transformation, ranging from a deepening economic crisis to the systematic violation of the constitutional order, from the policies of appointed administrators that usurp the will of the people to the religious-reactionary encroachment on the education curriculum. All these developments form the building blocks of a holistic ‘political Islamist regime’.

The structure that defines the fundamental character of the neoliberal conservative regime—policies opposed to secularism and public ownership—forms the strongest backbone of this whole. For this reason, any social resistance developed against the current regime must be based on a perspective of struggle that is aware of this unity—a united struggle rather than a fragmented one—in order to pave the way for a new path.

From the perspective of the feminist struggle, attacks on women’s rights and spaces for free living must be understood not merely as losses of rights, but as direct components of the construction of this new regime and the way in which economic crises are managed through the lens of gender. Today, whilst the political regime is dismantling the legal sphere, it is reorganising society through family-centred policies using religious references. It disregards women’s labour in social reproduction. At this juncture, secularism is one of the most critical issues in the feminist struggle. Secularism entails the state remaining neutral with regard to individuals’ beliefs or identities, without discriminating on the grounds of religion, language, race, gender, ethnicity or faith.

As the foundational basis for equal citizenship in the public sphere, secularism serves as a vital safeguard for women’s rights and achievements. Standing up against systematic attacks on the secular legal system and the civil rights women have secured through it means defending the right to a free life and equal citizenship for every citizen.

The rising violence against women and LGBT+ people is produced by a multi-layered regime of power in which neoliberal market relations, authoritarian security policies, religious-conservative gender regimes and digital surveillance mechanisms are intertwined. In this political climate, women’s rights, LGBTI+ existence, anti-migrant sentiment and the exploitation of labour all lie at the common intersection of the new authoritarian responses to the crisis of neoliberalism. Defending women’s hard-won rights in the face of these attacks will only be possible if it forms an inseparable and integral part of all other struggles for democratic and social rights that are under attack.

We must collectively build a united front to resolutely combat the class exploitation intensified and the gender inequality deepened by the government’s current policies. It is the historical responsibility of all of us to build a common ground for struggle, based on secularism, public ownership and equal citizenship, for all social movements fighting for rights, justice and life; and to build a country where we can live in equality, democracy, freedom and peace.

HORIZONTAL ORGANISATIONAL NETWORKS MUST BE CREATED TOGETHER

“The structures that should take the lead in the struggle must consist of genuine organisations that are shaped from the bottom up, based on grassroots organisation, and operate democratic mechanisms of representation”

The fragmented nature of social opposition in the country has long been a topic of discussion. We have gone through a period in which the labour movement, in particular, has become increasingly fragmented, gradually losing its capacity to act collectively. Yet Turkey possesses significant experience in terms of collective action. This is particularly true in the labour sector.

Looking at the trade union sector, the importance of the principles of unity in the workplace, unity within the sector, and unity at national and international levels is clear. However, at the point we have reached today, it is evident that there has been a serious breakdown in organisational cohesion. The ties between organisations that play a key role in the organisation of social life and their grassroots have gradually weakened. We are faced with a situation where statements issued from above are deemed more valuable, whilst the organised potential at the grassroots level remains unable to come to the fore. Indeed, we can see that even the organisational structures capable of facilitating this are increasingly becoming detached from the grassroots, transforming into entities that speak only within their own echo chambers.

It is therefore particularly important to emphasise the concept of organisation. For the individual struggles for rights to converge along a common line, the most crucial need is the existence of spatial practices where workers, labourers and broad sections of the public can act collectively, with their will represented from the grassroots. Organisational structures that do not have their feet firmly planted in the workplace or the neighbourhood where people live cannot achieve lasting solutions.

Today, being visible has become more valuable than being organised. For this reason, it must be noted that many organisational structures have emerged that are merely a shell – hollow on the inside but with a strong outward appearance. Yet every upheaval originates from the grassroots. Channels must be opened through which social discontent can express itself, and when we look at existing mechanisms, we see that these channels must be formed at the grassroots level.

Yes, there are currently forms of resistance taking place on the basis of popular struggles. These manifest themselves in various forms, ranging from miners’ strikes to environmental campaigns and teachers’ struggles. However, whilst these are followed with interest by the sections of society they represent, they unfortunately fail to translate into lasting organisation in proportion to the impact they create.

The cult of personality takes precedence over organisation. There is no overlap between being organised and acting or taking action. It is crucial that organisation gives rise to enduring practices, and that these enduring practices in turn become concrete starting points for the construction of social opposition. What enables the organisation of a shared practice is spatial proximity – the ability to become independent of individuals.

Of course, technological transformation has significantly altered the perception of the public sphere. Yet here too, we are faced with practices where mechanisms for public participation remain confined within a narrow framework. Technology should be utilised as a supportive element that facilitates people coming together; it must not become a mechanism that works against such gatherings. If it does transform in this way, the very physical proximity and capacity for collective action we have been discussing are undermined. People gathered in response to calls raise their voices and then return to their daily lives. Perhaps some time later, they repeat the same process in response to another call. Or they give up. Deep organisational relationships fail to emerge.

For this reason, the structures that must come to the fore in the struggle are genuine ones that are shaped from the bottom up, based on grassroots organisation, and operate democratic representative mechanisms. These are structures that do not merely articulate common problems from above, but make the sections of society that experience and feel them an integral part of the process. The issue is not the absence of structures. There are plenty of organisational structures. The problem is the absence of organisation. Historical periods marked by social upheavals are times when the masses rapidly become part of organisational practices and integrate these practices into their daily lives.

What needs to be done is to make the hope for change that is emerging in society part of a concrete project. An essential prerequisite for this is that the words spoken are transformed into concrete organisation in spaces that will bring the masses together.

This organisation may have two fundamental elements: workplaces and neighbourhoods. Even in sectors where employment is spatially fragmented, it is possible to come together after work. People can stand shoulder to shoulder around shared issues. But the challenge lies in transforming these gatherings into a common struggle.

Note: This article is translated from the original article titled Birleşik mücadele yerelden örülecek, published in BirGün newspaper on July 18, 2026.