Voice of the street is the true compass

The leader of the CHP, Özgür Özel, has recently been adding the definition of "new politics" alongside the demand for a "new party". Leaving aside what Özel means by this definition; Türkiye has been grappling for years with the negative consequences of a politics where elites set the game and everything is determined by a narrow team. Since the military coup of 12 September 1980, Türkiye has been living in a political order where the public is the spectator and the elites are the determinants. Legal regulations, from the political parties law to the election law, were made accordingly. Money became the most important determinant in politics. Over time, a community whose profession is "politician" emerged. One-man figures became the determinants of both the government and the opposition. Even if the AKP stated that it did not accept this mentality in its founding years, upon coming to power, let alone fighting it, it became the main determinant in the institutionalisation of this mentality.

THE REGIME SAID ‘PALACE’

The Presidential Government System has literally taken politics out of the hands of the public and locked it in the Palace. Although the election threshold appears to have been lowered to 7 per cent, it was actually raised to 50 per cent. Only two alternatives were imposed on the voter. The one-man understanding became applicable not only for the government but also for the opposition parties. The situation reached such a point that voters criticising the opposition's presidential candidate were even told, "you will go and vote obediently".

The government becoming detached from the public and unable to produce solutions, and the opposition accepting this situation, made change mandatory. The public showed clues that it would take action for its own future in the Gezi Rebellion, the 16 April Referendum, and the 19 March uprising. Now, it does not want to return home again and be merely a spectator in decisions regarding its future in front of the television. The politics that grasps this demand and this orientation of the public will be the representative of the "new". And it is this "new" that will be the determinant in the future of the country.

POLITICS HAS DESCENDED TO THE STREET

The necessity for a new political understanding in Türkiye has existed for quite a long time. For the last ten years, it has become virtually a necessity. In contrast, some politicians have only just begun to realise this necessity. Erdoğan, on the other hand, had addressed the 'tired party members' before. He constructs similar sentences as he sees his party losing votes and legitimacy. There is not a search for new politics, but a longing for the old glorious days of his party. This longing is not a longing for democracy and freedoms, but a longing for the support of broad segments of the public, and therefore for winning elections without anxiety. They share common ground with the nullity advocates precisely at this point.

In response, Özgür Özel appears to have turned his face to the street. With rallies from the aftermath of 19 March to the present day, and with street gatherings after the decision of absolute nullity. These gatherings depict the street more from the inside and perhaps make it possible even for those who cannot attend rallies (on the grounds of geographical and biographical unsuitability) to take action and reveal their political preferences. This is a very important step and choice in terms of being able to mobilise all four corners of the homeland. A new politics can only be brought to life together with the collective, with a good team, and with good political and strategic planning. Özgür Özel is successfully establishing the first of this triple trivet, namely acting together with the collective. On the other hand, it is observed that he is somewhat weak in the "team" and "plan" part. Actually, Özel is a "team-oriented" leader; enough to put his body on the line so as not to leave his teammates stranded. However, he needs more organised teamwork. And an equipped team too. The planning part is the most difficult part in Türkiye. Even if you make plans, they can all turn upside down in this country. It is necessary to struggle against this and both draw the framework of the movement well and ensure political consistency.

POLITICS HAS DESCENDED TO THE STREET, THE PUBLIC HAS THE POWER TO CHANGE

It is clear that there is a need for restructuring in politics both at the institutional level and in a general sense. Because politics is constantly occupied with an uncertain, snap, and unscheduled election expectation, there is no time and energy left for deeper structural changes. And now, the operations carried out against the CHP and the absolute nullity move have brought the issue of restructuring to the agenda. However, this, on the one hand, points to an urgent need for organisation due to the difficulties of engaging in politics within the CHP and the importance of organising immediately when the possibility of an election strengthens. On the other hand, the need arises for a structural change, a main opposition party organised from the bottom up, a new era, and a new cadre. Meeting these two different needs in the middle may not be easy.

There are views that, potentially due to what is being experienced in the CHP, the CHP public and the general opposition public could transfer energy to a new party. But political organisation practices in Türkiye do not make founding moves very possible in the short term.

Looking at the government front from the other side, there is a certain problem. For a while, the government has neglected voter politics. We had seen a similarity to Erdoğan's outburst of "Let the tired step aside" in the concept of "metal fatigue" prior to the 2018 elections. Erdoğan is exhibiting an attitude of wanting to leave the responsibility on this matter to the organisations and the cadre.

As the actual subject of social dynamics, the public has the power to change this. Therefore, there is no suitable ground to expect signs or efforts of change from the actor at the top above, but in contrast, there is ground for a more cohesive opposition that correlates base dynamics with each other and pushes the top outwards.

Note: This article is translated from the original article titled Asıl pusula sokağın sesinde, published in BirGün newspaper on June 30, 2026.